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    Politics and the Pulpit

    Religious leaders in Dallas express mixed feelings about Trump order

    Rani Monson
    May 7, 2017 | 4:59 pm
    First Dallas Baptist Church
    The pastor at the First Baptist Church in Dallas says he doesn't want to endorse candidates from the pulpit.
    Photo courtesy of Beck Group

    President Donald Trump has become known for the large number of executive orders he's signed since he was elected, but one he signed on May 4 involving religious liberty has even some faith organizations scratching their heads.

    What the order does is essentially remove a gag on pastors that previously prevented them from preaching politics from the pulpit. It undermines the Johnson Amendment, which was passed in 1954 and held the premise that, if you don't want to pay taxes, you can't be involved in partisan politics.

    During his campaign, Trump promised to dismantle the Johnson Amendment. However, he would need Congress to change the bill itself. So instead, he signed an executive order that relaxes IRS enforcement of that ban.

    His executive order has two facets. One allows religious groups such as churches to participate in partisan activities and endorse political candidates without risking of losing their tax-exempt status. The second facet broadens the ability of a company to deny contraceptives for women as part of its health insurance policy for religious reasons.

    Trump did all this during a breakfast on the National Day of Prayer, declaring, "We are giving our churches their voices back. We will not allow people of faith to be targeted, bullied, or silenced anymore." Religious leaders prayed in the Rose Garden at the White House just before he signed the executive order called "Promoting Free Speech and Religious Liberty."

    Kelly Shackelford, president and CEO of Plano-based First Liberty Institute, a non-profit law firm that advocates for protecting religious freedom, says that the order is a good thing because the Johnson Amendment prevents pastors from speaking out on political issues and elections.

    "Mainly, the Johnson Amendment is bad because it scares pastors," he says. "That should never happen. Removing the Johnson Amendment takes away that false fear."

    But other religious leaders such as the Rev. Neil Cazares-Thomas, senior pastor at Dallas' Cathedral of Hope, aren't supportive of the order; Cathedral of Hope is one of the nation's largest predominantly gay and lesbian congregations.

    "We've had freedom of speech already — to endorse the values of our faith," he says. Cazares-Thomas is also concerned about tax-deductible donations to churches for political causes. "We're blurring those lines, and the tax code," he says. "Churches should be in the business of supporting the values of Jesus, rather than the values of any politician or political organization."

    Amanda Tyler, executive director of Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty in Washington, DC, issued a statement calling the order a terrible idea.

    "This order appears to be largely a symbolic act, voicing concern for religious liberty but offering nothing to advance it," she said. "Worse, it is further evidence that President Trump wants churches to be vehicles for political campaigns. Americans think changing the tax law to encourage churches to endorse and oppose political candidates with tax-deductible contributions is a terrible idea. But some politicians and a few interest groups looking to solidify their political power continue to push it to further their agenda."

    The other facet of the executive order was equally controversial, putting women at risk of not being able to obtain contraceptives such as morning-after pills, diaphragms, and IUDs as part of their employer-offered health insurance.

    The order provides "regulatory relief" to businesses, schools, and other entities that could result in allowing them to no longer include women’s preventative health services, including birth control, in their insurance coverage on the basis of religious or moral objection.

    Planned Parenthood Federation of America called it a direct attack on women's access to birth control.

    A 2014 Supreme Court case found that the ACA mandate that businesses must provide female employees with no-cost access to contraception was a violation of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. The case was brought about by Oklahoma City-based Hobby Lobby, a family-owned chain of arts and crafts stores founded on Biblical principles. The Court ruled for-profit businesses can claim a religious exemption to the requirement they provide health insurance coverage for contraceptives.

    The only "good" news is that Trump's executive order was so spottily written that most don't expect it to have much effect. USA Today said that, despite the spectacle, nothing really changes. The American Civil Liberties Union stepped back from an initial plan to file a lawsuit after determining it wasn't worth it, calling the entire thing an elaborate photo-op. The group Americans United for Separation of Church and State said the order had "more bark than bite."

    Even Robert Jeffress, pastor of First Baptist Church Dallas and an avid Trump supporter, remained reserved about the ordinance.

    Jeffress, who attended the signing as well as a dinner the night before, said he didn't plan to make political endorsements. "Today, President Trump removed the muzzle on pastors and other religious leaders," he said. "I have no interest in endorsing candidates from the pulpit but I do want the freedom to be able to speak my beliefs."

    politics
    news/city-life

    Hemp news

    Texas cannabis businesses sue state to block ban on smokeable hemp

    Associated Press
    Apr 10, 2026 | 9:17 am
    Hemp plant
    Photo by CRYSTALWEED cannabis on Unsplash
    Texas is cracking down on smokeable hemp.

    Texas hemp industry leaders and advocacy groups have sued the state to block new regulations that eliminate natural smokeable hemp products and increase licensing fees.

    The Texas Hemp Business Council, Hemp Industry & Farmers of America, and several Texas-based dispensaries and manufacturers filed for a temporary restraining order in state district court in Travis County against the Texas Department of State Health Services and the Texas Health and Human Services Commission on Tuesday, April 6. They argue that the agencies have overstepped their constitutional authority by rewriting the statutory definitions of hemp established by lawmakers in 2019.

    “Under current Texas law, hemp is defined by its delta-9 THC concentration of not more than 0.3 percent,” said David Sergi, an attorney for the hemp coalition, in a press release. “These Texas officials and state agencies are clearly attempting to create new law in direct contradiction to what the Texas legislature intended.”

    The background
    Even though Texas law bans marijuana, lawmakers legalized hemp in 2019. State law defines hemp as containing less than 0.3 percent levels of intoxicating Delta-9 THC.

    To get around the law’s Delta-9 THC restrictions, manufacturers started cultivating hemp plants with another type of THC, called THCA, that, when ignited in a joint or smokeable product, can produce a high. Many lawmakers have said this legal loophole has allowed a recreational THC market to appear overnight without direct approval from the state.

    Last year, the Texas Legislature voted to ban the products out of fear that these intoxicating products were consistently getting into the hands of children. But, Gov. Greg Abbott vetoed the decision last summer, before asking the Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission and DSHS to increase regulations on the industry instead.

    The Texas Department of State Health Services released regulations on consumable hemp-derived THC products that went into effect on March 31. These new regulations include child-resistant packaging, a significant increase in licensing fees, new labeling, testing, and bookkeeping requirements. The rules also codify the legal purchasing age to 21, which went into effect last year as an emergency directive.

    Why the hemp industry sued
    Also under the new rules, laboratories tests now measure the total amount of any THC in a product. If the THC levels exceed the 0.3 percent threshold, even if it’s only activated upon being smoked, the product will be noncompliant under state regulations. As a result, some of the most popular hemp products, like THCA flower and pre-rolled joints, have been banned.

    Hemp businesses caught selling noncompliant products face a range of penalties and fines, including license revocation and up to $10,000 in violation fees for each day these products were sold in stores.

    “An administrative agency may not substitute its own policy judgment for the outcome produced by the constitutional lawmaking process,” the lawsuit states. “The Texas Constitution vests legislative power in the Legislature, not administrative agencies.”

    Retailers cannot sell hemp to out-of-state customers either.

    The rules also increase licensing fees for manufacturers of hemp-derived THC from $258 to $10,000 per facility and retail registrations from $155 to $5,000, which industry leaders say will fulfill the ban by forcing businesses to close. The hemp business community’s lawsuit is not challenging the other new regulations, including the age verification or ones they say protect consumers.

    “Texas hemp businesses wholeheartedly support those regulations, as they fall within the agency’s authority,” said Sergi. “We are seeking to halt rules that would effectively end the in-state production of hemp and the sale of hemp products — items the Legislature chose not to ban during recent legislative and special sessions.”

    What the state says
    Concerns about the safety of these high-THC products among youth led lawmakers to attempt to ban hemp-derived THC products outright last year. While the overall ban didn’t succeed, lawmakers successfully banned vape pens containing THC and other hemp-derived intoxicating chemicals.

    Data provided from the Texas Poison Center Network confirms a sharp increase in cannabis-related poisoning calls starting in 2019, a year after hemp-derived THC was legalized by the federal government, from 923 to a 10-year high of 2,592 in 2024. Calls climbed to 2,669 last year. The majority of these calls involve suspected poisoning of children under the age of five and teenagers.

    Drug policy experts said these numbers seem alarming, but it is natural for poisoning calls to increase when a drug has become legalized, and the data needs additional context before making conclusions from it.

    Jennifer Ruffcorn, spokesperson for HHSC, directed questions about the lawsuit and what it means for the new hemp regulations to DSHS.

    Lara Anton, spokesperson for DSHS, declined to comment on pending litigation.

    What’s next
    The hemp industry’s battle to stay alive in Texas started back in 2021 when the state health agency classified any amount of a natural intoxicating hemp compound called delta-8 THC as illegal. The hemp industry sued the state over its ban on delta-8 and the Texas Supreme Court is expected to consider the case this year.

    The delta-8 lawsuit will have an impact on the outcome of the most recent lawsuit over the smokeable hemp ban because both lawsuits challenge the authority of a state health agency to make changes to the market without approval from lawmakers or the public.

    ---

    This story was originally published by The Texas Tribune and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.

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