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    RIP Steve

    Steven Wollard, political activist dedicated to Dallas, dies at 55

    Teresa Gubbins
    May 4, 2020 | 9:40 pm
    Steve Wollard
    Steve Wollard in his downtown Dallas milieu.
    Courtesy photo

    Steven Wollard, a Dallas political activist who cofounded an influential Facebook group called Reform Dallas, died unexpectedly on May 4; he was 55.

    Wollard was known for his outspoken, forceful personality, and his ability to not just embrace but also bring together people with opposing views. On the Reform Dallas page, he became a father figure and ringleader who helped engage local political leaders and steer the conversation towards causes he championed, including transparency and accountability in Dallas city government.

    He was also irreverent and unfiltered in a way that made him unique in Dallas — and never shy about calling out traits or actions that he found unjust.

    Barry Jacobs, who was a close friend, says that Wollard was driven by his values.

    "He didn't much care about anything else: he was content to let someone else make the policy, but he wanted absolute transparency as to how the money got spent," Jacobs says. "He absolutely could not abide public corruption."

    Wollard was born on August 3, 1964 and grew up in Waco. He attended UT Austin, then worked in construction and roofing.

    "Steve was a mess of apparent contradictions," Jacobs says. "He was a college dropout who went from running a roofing business to being a pioneer of bitcoin mining. He was a redneck from Waco who cared deeply about racial equity. He was a strangely apolitical man who, somehow, became a political force in our city."

    Wollard also had an irreverent, bawdy side which included salty language and over-the-top pronouncements. For example, when a friend posted a photo of a vintage Mustang, Wollard's comment was "So tits."

    The Reform Dallas page was originally founded by a group of downtown Dallas residents, of which Wollard was one. Their efforts began with a radical vibe that sometimes bordered on unhinged — but Wollard's outreach to people from different neighborhoods transformed the page into a place where all walks of life could interact, thereby lending it more credibility.

    Perhaps the most valuable outcome that Wollard and the page effected was the way it formed a community and encouraged the same kind of political activism that Wollard possessed; he was a generous mentor to many political newcomers. And in a world that feels like the cards are stacked against the little guy, he made it seem like the little guy stood half a chance.

    The page also became a powerful campaign tool in the 2017 and 2019 Dallas City Council elections, helping to spotlight candidates such as Scott Griggs, who ran for mayor in 2019, and Adam Bazaldua, who was elected to the city council that same year.

    When a public figure did something Wollard approved of, he would proclaim them to be "a Goddamned American hero," and made that phrase a recurring motif on the Reform Dallas page, used any time someone wanted to acknowledge a good deed.

    Mark Melton, another close friend, described Wollard as "just a regular guy with charisma to outpace his station."

    Part of that charisma sprang from the fact that he put on absolutely no airs, Jacobs says.

    "He was a Central Texas cracker who had graduated from the school of hard knocks and absolutely did not give a damn who knew it," Jacobs says. "He was also wildly imaginative; he always had a hundred crazy projects in mind — 99 of which were batshit crazy, but one of which would have this little germ of brilliance. Bitcoin was one of those, and it apparently did well by him. Reform Dallas was another, and here we are."

    During these polarized times, Wollard's approach was an inspirational example.

    "He was a rare 'cross the aisle' kind of leader," Melton says. "He yelled loudly to motivate his base, and then went and actually tried to reason with his opposition. Sometimes they would move. And sometimes he would. It's a rare set of qualities in modern politics that I wish we could see more of."

    "While he certainly thrived on controversy, his primary motivator was simply to get to the right answer, whatever that was and at all costs," Melton says. "Like all of us, he was subject to his own biases and the lens of his own life experiences, but he genuinely cared about his fellow man. And he spent a great deal of his time working for the betterment of others, whether that was lobbying politicos to move policies he cared about or handing a burger and fries to the homeless guy that hung out on his block."

    CJ Gresh, another friend, said he admired Wollard because he was not fearful.

    "He was a force of nature," Gresh says. "He pushed, cajoled, hell-raised, and delivered the most eloquent 'fuck off's in a town that champions itself on getting along — and he made it work."

    Friends said that the cause of death appeared to be a heart attack. He was preceded in death by his brother, Chris Wollard, and grandparents Dorothy and Jim Lassiter. He's survived by his girlfriend Kelly Graham; mother Sherry Lewis; father and stepmother Bob and Karen Wollard; his sister Catherine Wollard; sister Lauren Pruitt and her husband Todd, nephews Kyler and Caleb, and niece Ainsley; and nieces Katie and Grace Wollard.

    According to family members, due to the coronavirus, services will not be held at this time.

    deathspoliticscity-news-roundup
    news/city-life

    Hemp news

    Texas cannabis businesses sue state to block ban on smokeable hemp

    Associated Press
    Apr 10, 2026 | 9:17 am
    Hemp plant
    Photo by CRYSTALWEED cannabis on Unsplash
    Texas is cracking down on smokeable hemp.

    Texas hemp industry leaders and advocacy groups have sued the state to block new regulations that eliminate natural smokeable hemp products and increase licensing fees.

    The Texas Hemp Business Council, Hemp Industry & Farmers of America, and several Texas-based dispensaries and manufacturers filed for a temporary restraining order in state district court in Travis County against the Texas Department of State Health Services and the Texas Health and Human Services Commission on Tuesday, April 6. They argue that the agencies have overstepped their constitutional authority by rewriting the statutory definitions of hemp established by lawmakers in 2019.

    “Under current Texas law, hemp is defined by its delta-9 THC concentration of not more than 0.3 percent,” said David Sergi, an attorney for the hemp coalition, in a press release. “These Texas officials and state agencies are clearly attempting to create new law in direct contradiction to what the Texas legislature intended.”

    The background
    Even though Texas law bans marijuana, lawmakers legalized hemp in 2019. State law defines hemp as containing less than 0.3 percent levels of intoxicating Delta-9 THC.

    To get around the law’s Delta-9 THC restrictions, manufacturers started cultivating hemp plants with another type of THC, called THCA, that, when ignited in a joint or smokeable product, can produce a high. Many lawmakers have said this legal loophole has allowed a recreational THC market to appear overnight without direct approval from the state.

    Last year, the Texas Legislature voted to ban the products out of fear that these intoxicating products were consistently getting into the hands of children. But, Gov. Greg Abbott vetoed the decision last summer, before asking the Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission and DSHS to increase regulations on the industry instead.

    The Texas Department of State Health Services released regulations on consumable hemp-derived THC products that went into effect on March 31. These new regulations include child-resistant packaging, a significant increase in licensing fees, new labeling, testing, and bookkeeping requirements. The rules also codify the legal purchasing age to 21, which went into effect last year as an emergency directive.

    Why the hemp industry sued
    Also under the new rules, laboratories tests now measure the total amount of any THC in a product. If the THC levels exceed the 0.3 percent threshold, even if it’s only activated upon being smoked, the product will be noncompliant under state regulations. As a result, some of the most popular hemp products, like THCA flower and pre-rolled joints, have been banned.

    Hemp businesses caught selling noncompliant products face a range of penalties and fines, including license revocation and up to $10,000 in violation fees for each day these products were sold in stores.

    “An administrative agency may not substitute its own policy judgment for the outcome produced by the constitutional lawmaking process,” the lawsuit states. “The Texas Constitution vests legislative power in the Legislature, not administrative agencies.”

    Retailers cannot sell hemp to out-of-state customers either.

    The rules also increase licensing fees for manufacturers of hemp-derived THC from $258 to $10,000 per facility and retail registrations from $155 to $5,000, which industry leaders say will fulfill the ban by forcing businesses to close. The hemp business community’s lawsuit is not challenging the other new regulations, including the age verification or ones they say protect consumers.

    “Texas hemp businesses wholeheartedly support those regulations, as they fall within the agency’s authority,” said Sergi. “We are seeking to halt rules that would effectively end the in-state production of hemp and the sale of hemp products — items the Legislature chose not to ban during recent legislative and special sessions.”

    What the state says
    Concerns about the safety of these high-THC products among youth led lawmakers to attempt to ban hemp-derived THC products outright last year. While the overall ban didn’t succeed, lawmakers successfully banned vape pens containing THC and other hemp-derived intoxicating chemicals.

    Data provided from the Texas Poison Center Network confirms a sharp increase in cannabis-related poisoning calls starting in 2019, a year after hemp-derived THC was legalized by the federal government, from 923 to a 10-year high of 2,592 in 2024. Calls climbed to 2,669 last year. The majority of these calls involve suspected poisoning of children under the age of five and teenagers.

    Drug policy experts said these numbers seem alarming, but it is natural for poisoning calls to increase when a drug has become legalized, and the data needs additional context before making conclusions from it.

    Jennifer Ruffcorn, spokesperson for HHSC, directed questions about the lawsuit and what it means for the new hemp regulations to DSHS.

    Lara Anton, spokesperson for DSHS, declined to comment on pending litigation.

    What’s next
    The hemp industry’s battle to stay alive in Texas started back in 2021 when the state health agency classified any amount of a natural intoxicating hemp compound called delta-8 THC as illegal. The hemp industry sued the state over its ban on delta-8 and the Texas Supreme Court is expected to consider the case this year.

    The delta-8 lawsuit will have an impact on the outcome of the most recent lawsuit over the smokeable hemp ban because both lawsuits challenge the authority of a state health agency to make changes to the market without approval from lawmakers or the public.

    ---

    This story was originally published by The Texas Tribune and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.

    marijuanalawsuitcannabis
    news/city-life
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