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    Let Me Sum Up

    A strong Dallas mayor would make Mary Suhm irrelevant, which is a good thing. Plus: Nolan!

    Eric Celeste
    Mar 4, 2013 | 8:28 am

    The fallout from the Mary Suhm gas-drilling briefing that took place last week was heartening, even if the event itself was less than.

    For one, the paper of record finally agreed that Suhm could be criticized and the sky would not fall. In a straightforward, dead-on editorial, the Dallas Morning News said that the City Council was remiss for not taking seriously its oversight role. As the paper put it:

    Call us naive, but we expected council members to ask tough questions about how the tract in northwest Dallas ended up in an agreement with Trinity East Energy without the council’s approval. With the exception of Angela Hunt (and to a lesser degree Scott Griggs and Sandy Greyson) nobody did.

    Granted, it was naïve. What in the world gave the paper the thought that council members would dare stand up to Mother Hen? As we’ve all acknowledged, this deal is going to go through, largely because Suhm promised it would. They don’t want any more discussion (read: public culpability) of the parkland gas-drilling arrangement than is necessary.

    But Jim Schutze on Friday nailed the real takeaway from this: It shows just how weak our mayor is. Not Mike Rawlings specifically — he’s aw-ite — but the mayor’s office.

    Schutze (channeling Hunt) points out that the system is set up to blame no one when something like this happens. The city manager is just a public servant, not an elected official, so she can’t be to blame, right? The mayor doesn’t have any more authority than a council member. And the council members are beholden to their districts first, not responsible for the city at-large.

    My friends make fun of me because, after only living in Atlanta for a year, they say I bring it up all the time to point out how worldly I’ve become. (“Well, in Atlanta, we have high-class pimento cheese on every menu. And we’ve been drinking whisky sours for years.”) But it’s true that the strong-mayor system there is a stark contrast to our governing structure.

    Kasim Reed is a youngish, ambitious politician elected in 2010 to lead Atlanta. In just the year I was there, he completed a series of bold moves that infuriated his critics: reduced city pension to pay for police, pushed out the nationally revered head of the housing authority to install a crony, maneuvered for new airport contracts to be awarded to vendors, hired and fired staff with no explanation.

    This is just a sampling. True, his strong-arming outraged many people, including a columnist at the paper where I worked. I published columns calling him a Chicago-style boss, someone who was consolidating power by running out his enemies and installing his cohorts in positions of authority across the city.

    You know what? He was! You know what else? It was awesome!

    There was one person to blame or get credit. More to the point, things got done, so long as pesky public votes didn’t stand in the way. We first heard more than a year ago that a new downtown Falcons stadium was in the works. There was predictable opposition (including from me, and my paper). But it was accepted it would eventually come to pass, because Reed was behind it. This month, the deal should be finalized.

    I have to tell you, I loved living in a city with a mayor who had real power. It provided the media focus, the people someone to love or hate, and a politician who had to stand up and take the heat. If that someday happens here, and we can point to last week’s debacle as a seed crystal, then it was worth it.

    Elsewhere

    Nothing new in the Craig Watkins piece the DMN ran Sunday. If you’re looking for a takeaway, one person who accurately sums up what all his troubles mean for his reelection bid, you have to look to the very end, where a local political talking head suggests “most people would say that Watkins generally has done a good job and is interested in making sure that the innocent don’t get prosecuted” — but that he also has “made some missteps.” That’s true. I’ll explain why tomorrow.

    Kevin Sherrington with a great column that wonders if Nolan Ryan’s time at the Texas Rangers may be coming to an end. This should make you very afraid.

    Retweets

    If you’re not following Greg Abbott on Twitter, you’re missing our modern Matthew Harrison Brady. (Oh, Google it.)

    “@texastribune: UT/TT Poll: In potential 2014 GOP TX gov primary, @governorperry leads @gregabbott_tx, 49%-17%.trib.it/12mCktx”

    — Emily Ramshaw (@eramshaw) March 4, 2013

    Atlanta Mayor Kasim Reed has made enemies, mostly because he has the authority to actually get things done. Sounds glorious, right?

    Twitter.com
    Atlanta Mayor Kasim Reed has made enemies, mostly because he has the authority to actually get things done. Sounds glorious, right?
    unspecified
    news/city-life

    Hemp news

    Texas cannabis businesses sue state to block ban on smokeable hemp

    Associated Press
    Apr 10, 2026 | 9:17 am
    Hemp plant
    Photo by CRYSTALWEED cannabis on Unsplash
    Texas is cracking down on smokeable hemp.

    Texas hemp industry leaders and advocacy groups have sued the state to block new regulations that eliminate natural smokeable hemp products and increase licensing fees.

    The Texas Hemp Business Council, Hemp Industry & Farmers of America, and several Texas-based dispensaries and manufacturers filed for a temporary restraining order in state district court in Travis County against the Texas Department of State Health Services and the Texas Health and Human Services Commission on Tuesday, April 6. They argue that the agencies have overstepped their constitutional authority by rewriting the statutory definitions of hemp established by lawmakers in 2019.

    “Under current Texas law, hemp is defined by its delta-9 THC concentration of not more than 0.3 percent,” said David Sergi, an attorney for the hemp coalition, in a press release. “These Texas officials and state agencies are clearly attempting to create new law in direct contradiction to what the Texas legislature intended.”

    The background
    Even though Texas law bans marijuana, lawmakers legalized hemp in 2019. State law defines hemp as containing less than 0.3 percent levels of intoxicating Delta-9 THC.

    To get around the law’s Delta-9 THC restrictions, manufacturers started cultivating hemp plants with another type of THC, called THCA, that, when ignited in a joint or smokeable product, can produce a high. Many lawmakers have said this legal loophole has allowed a recreational THC market to appear overnight without direct approval from the state.

    Last year, the Texas Legislature voted to ban the products out of fear that these intoxicating products were consistently getting into the hands of children. But, Gov. Greg Abbott vetoed the decision last summer, before asking the Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission and DSHS to increase regulations on the industry instead.

    The Texas Department of State Health Services released regulations on consumable hemp-derived THC products that went into effect on March 31. These new regulations include child-resistant packaging, a significant increase in licensing fees, new labeling, testing, and bookkeeping requirements. The rules also codify the legal purchasing age to 21, which went into effect last year as an emergency directive.

    Why the hemp industry sued
    Also under the new rules, laboratories tests now measure the total amount of any THC in a product. If the THC levels exceed the 0.3 percent threshold, even if it’s only activated upon being smoked, the product will be noncompliant under state regulations. As a result, some of the most popular hemp products, like THCA flower and pre-rolled joints, have been banned.

    Hemp businesses caught selling noncompliant products face a range of penalties and fines, including license revocation and up to $10,000 in violation fees for each day these products were sold in stores.

    “An administrative agency may not substitute its own policy judgment for the outcome produced by the constitutional lawmaking process,” the lawsuit states. “The Texas Constitution vests legislative power in the Legislature, not administrative agencies.”

    Retailers cannot sell hemp to out-of-state customers either.

    The rules also increase licensing fees for manufacturers of hemp-derived THC from $258 to $10,000 per facility and retail registrations from $155 to $5,000, which industry leaders say will fulfill the ban by forcing businesses to close. The hemp business community’s lawsuit is not challenging the other new regulations, including the age verification or ones they say protect consumers.

    “Texas hemp businesses wholeheartedly support those regulations, as they fall within the agency’s authority,” said Sergi. “We are seeking to halt rules that would effectively end the in-state production of hemp and the sale of hemp products — items the Legislature chose not to ban during recent legislative and special sessions.”

    What the state says
    Concerns about the safety of these high-THC products among youth led lawmakers to attempt to ban hemp-derived THC products outright last year. While the overall ban didn’t succeed, lawmakers successfully banned vape pens containing THC and other hemp-derived intoxicating chemicals.

    Data provided from the Texas Poison Center Network confirms a sharp increase in cannabis-related poisoning calls starting in 2019, a year after hemp-derived THC was legalized by the federal government, from 923 to a 10-year high of 2,592 in 2024. Calls climbed to 2,669 last year. The majority of these calls involve suspected poisoning of children under the age of five and teenagers.

    Drug policy experts said these numbers seem alarming, but it is natural for poisoning calls to increase when a drug has become legalized, and the data needs additional context before making conclusions from it.

    Jennifer Ruffcorn, spokesperson for HHSC, directed questions about the lawsuit and what it means for the new hemp regulations to DSHS.

    Lara Anton, spokesperson for DSHS, declined to comment on pending litigation.

    What’s next
    The hemp industry’s battle to stay alive in Texas started back in 2021 when the state health agency classified any amount of a natural intoxicating hemp compound called delta-8 THC as illegal. The hemp industry sued the state over its ban on delta-8 and the Texas Supreme Court is expected to consider the case this year.

    The delta-8 lawsuit will have an impact on the outcome of the most recent lawsuit over the smokeable hemp ban because both lawsuits challenge the authority of a state health agency to make changes to the market without approval from lawmakers or the public.

    ---

    This story was originally published by The Texas Tribune and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.

    marijuanalawsuitcannabis
    news/city-life

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